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Elections show the influence of the 'Centrão' method by captivating community leaders and moving the left away from the peripheries. Historic re-election of politicians exposes strategic use of public resources, prioritizing local dialogue over party ideologies. Weakening of the left in peripheral areas of São Paulo is noted, with emphasis on the effective performance of Centrão in works and direct assistance to the community. Community leaders openly defend Centrão for its pragmatism and effectiveness in meeting local demands. Moldes de borracha
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A windstorm that hit the capital of São Paulo around two years ago caused damage to floodplain football around Vila Maria, in the North Zone of São Paulo. At the Fernão Dias field, in Jardim Julieta, the back of the fence gave way in the bad weather. Local associations came together to ask for reforms, and the means they found to be heard was a councilor active in the region and who usually sends amendments for sports and other cultural activities, such as street carnival blocks.
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In April, a team from the region played against the Corinthians masters team to inaugurate the synthetic lawn and the new fence. Dressed in the Grêmio Fernão Dias uniform, councilor Danilo do Posto de Saúde (Podemos), a former municipal public servant elected for the first time in 2020, received thanks in the form of banners, messages on social media and, a few months later, as support for your campaign. Mayor Ricardo Nunes's (MDB) ally jumped from 19,024 to 58,676 votes in four years and led in Vila Maria.
Episodes like this demonstrate how the public sector privileges those who are closest to power and can maintain dialogue with communities, which sometimes overrides ideologies and benefits more physiological parties, such as those from Centrão. Francisco Pinto, one of Grêmio's directors, known as Chicão, reinforces the diagnosis. He said that councilors are usually the residents' first channel with the city hall, and those who serve the region the most tend to win the communities' preference at election time, even more than for their parties or their political orientation.
— There are people who have a more defined ideology, right or left, but it is often the interest there that needs to be resolved. Ideology will not make you resolve this, at least not in a short space of time – he says.
The elections once again exposed the strength of those who already occupy public spaces in mobilizing voters. The re-election rate was the highest in history: 2,461 candidates out of 3,006 who sought a new term in city hall were successful, equivalent to 82%. The percentage is even higher among the cities most covered by the “Pix amendments”, direct transfers defined by federal deputies and senators. These resources are distributed by the federal government and supply the city halls' cash flow, without predefined use. In this case, the rate reaches almost 94%.
In addition to the imbalance in competition, these numbers help explain another phenomenon highlighted in the election: the weakening of the left in the peripheries. In São Paulo, for example, Nunes' victory occurred in almost the entire city, including in neighborhoods where votes for PT candidates traditionally predominated, such as Grajaú, Parelheiros, Perus, Guaianases and Cidade Tiradentes.
Gerson Oliveira is president of Associação Azarias, which offers music courses for children and teenagers in Perus and manages municipal and state public facilities, such as Bom Prato units and daycare centers. Always working with social projects, he says that he witnessed the change in the voting profile in the extreme Northwest Zone, which traditionally voted with the left and now elected Nunes, in addition to having given massive votes to councilors from acronyms such as MDB.
— There has been a lack of conversation between the left and the periphery in recent years. People here always really liked (Luiza) Erundina, but the left was losing connection with the region. The (Fernando) Haddad government was difficult for us. During the government of Bruno Covas and Ricardo (Nunes), there was work that reduced floods, a UPA was inaugurated, a Specialized Rehabilitation Center (CER). Now, the city hall has a WhatsApp group with community leaders, business representatives, property managers, NGO representatives, there are meetings every week, a direct channel — he says.
In the same neighborhood, the Quilombaque cultural community has a stance of opposition to the Nunes administration, but its members admit that the right and Centrão have done “the basic work that the left did before”.
— The grassroots work of the left has lost strength, and those who do this are the evangelical churches. (Guilherme) Boulos comes from this progressive camp, but PSOL has no base in the periphery. Meanwhile, (Fábio) Riva (councilman from the Nunes base) and the deputies are here in the neighborhood, renovating the fields, providing basic food baskets — explains Cleiton Ferreira, co-founder of Quilombaque.
In the South Zone of São Paulo, just walk a few minutes along Estrada do M'Boi Mirim, from Capão Redondo to Jardim Ângela, to see dozens of banners thanking the re-elected mayor and the family of the president of the City Council, councilor Milton Leite (União) , for the new asphalt, for the renovation of the football field and for the duplication of the avenue that has not yet been done.
Throughout the year and not just during the election campaign, leaders linked to the clan distribute food baskets, promote events linked to samba and organize sports championships. On the social media pages of influencers from the most remote areas, reasons were listed for residents of a certain neighborhood to vote for Nunes and the parliamentarians from her base. An example is a news page from Jardim Sinhá, which is in the Sapopemba region, East Zone, which among the arguments to support the mayor's re-election listed the renovation and inauguration of blocks, flood containment works, improvements in a field of football and the construction of a UPA.
Among community leaders there are already those who openly defend the Centrão. In a recent interview with Intercept, social activist Isaac Faria said that he was a PT member, but left the party and approached the Leite family out of pragmatism. He earns R$20,000 a month to air a podcast in which he talks about the region where he lives, the “fundão” of M'Boi Mirim, and usually makes videos with drones showing city hall works.
Faria reiterated the information to GLOBO and said that the program is funded by donations from businesspeople presented by politicians from the clan. He also said that he has been disappointed with the PT since the Haddad administration and that his requests for improvements in the periphery are now met by the government, either through content published on its social networks, or through contact with advisors from the Mayor's office. He praised, for example, a R$5 million amendment by state deputy Alexandre Leite (União), son of the councilor, which made the construction of a UPA possible.
— There may even be dialogue, but it is not effective — says Faria regarding the presence of councilors from the PT and the left in the region that came to be known as “Tattolândia”, in reference to PT politicians from the Tatto family.
In the same region, Jailson Silva, who created the SOS Transportes M'Boi Mirim movement more than ten years ago, complains that the current administration has not resolved the main problem in that area: urban mobility. He credits this with Nunes' defeat in the Piraporinha Electoral Zone, one of the few where Boulos emerged victorious. But not the Centrão councilors: Leite managed to elect Silvão and Silvinho, his sponsors.
For Silva, the left lost strength in the region because the Leite clan has regional leaders acting all the time. During the pandemic, for example, when the city hall distributed basic food baskets, these were the leaders who delivered them to residents.
— These leaders are here so people don't forget, and the plaques also remind them all the time, “so and so was the one who did it” — he says.
The concentration of power even leads to fights over parliamentary amendments.
— Carlos Zarattini (PT federal deputy), for example, was going to put in an amendment for the Vera Cruz UPA, but there was a problem because the Leites also wanted to send it. Then they reached an agreement. For the population, it ends up being a good fight, the important thing is to have the resources — points out Silva.
The case occurred in 2021 and, in the end, the federal deputy of União Brasil sent resources to expand and reform the UPA, and the PT member released amendments for UBS Cidade Ipava, also in the region.
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